Ukraine Asks if Telegram, Its Favorite App, Is a Sleeper Agent

In the nearly three years since Russia invaded Ukraine, Telegram has become a critical tool for millions of Ukrainians. The messaging app provides vital information about impending attacks, helping communities coordinate food, medical aid, and other support efforts.

However, what once served as a lifeline has increasingly raised concerns. Recently, Ukrainian officials have grown more wary of the country’s heavy reliance on Telegram, with rising fears that the app could be used to spread disinformation or act as a spying tool for Russia.https://wordpress.com/

In response, Ukraine is now attempting to distance itself from Telegram. In September, authorities ordered military personnel, government workers, and those involved in critical infrastructure to reduce their use of the app on work devices. More sensitive communications have been shifted to encrypted platforms like Signal. Some high-ranking officials have even proposed new regulations, including the requirement for transparency on the individuals behind anonymous channels with large followings.

“We understand that we are dependent,” said Yaroslav Yurchyshyn, a member of Ukraine’s Parliament who is drafting legislation to tighten regulation of Telegram. “It’s a significant problem for us.”

Ukraine’s experience with Telegram highlights the pros and cons of relying on a single platform. Few countries have depended so heavily on a foreign-owned app for communication, information, and essential services—especially during wartime.

This dependence is echoed perhaps only in Russia, where Telegram is used by nearly half the population, including many military and government officials. As a result, the app has become a key battleground for information in the war, with Ukrainian and Russian drone operators using Telegram groups to taunt each other and share videos of attacks.

Ukraine’s concerns about Telegram reflect growing global scrutiny of the app, which is rapidly approaching one billion users. Once viewed as a haven for activists in oppressive regimes, Telegram has increasingly angered governments by hosting illicit and extremist content. In August, Pavel Durov, Telegram’s founder, was arrested in France on charges related to the company’s failure to address criminal activity on the platform.

For Ukraine, separating from Telegram is proving to be difficult. Around 70 percent of Ukrainians rely on Telegram as their primary source of news, according to a recent survey partly funded by the U.S. government. During air raids or missile attacks, people turn to Telegram for real-time updates. The government also uses the app to broadcast official statements and gather intelligence from Russian-occupied territories.

Nevertheless, in private cybersecurity meetings this year, Ukrainian officials discussed imposing further restrictions on Telegram. The country’s intelligence services have warned that the app poses national security risks, with evidence suggesting it is used by Russia for disinformation, cyberattacks, hacking, spreading malware, and tracking locations for missile strikes.

As a precaution, President Volodymyr Zelensky, who frequently posts war updates to his more than 700,000 Telegram followers, avoids using the app on his personal phone, according to Ukrainian cybersecurity sources. In March, Ukrainian officials even went as far as asking Apple to pressure Telegram, leveraging its control over the App Store to compel the company to act.

Telegram has defended its security, stating that Russia “has not—and cannot—access user information.” The company maintains that it is safe for Ukrainian users and those around the world.

However, the very features that make Telegram so powerful also expose it to exploitation, according to Ukrainian officials. Unlike other social media platforms, Telegram lacks content moderation and does not use algorithms to filter posts, allowing critical alerts to spread quickly but also facilitating the rapid circulation of harmful material. Its broadcasting capabilities enable users to share text, videos, and files with large audiences, making it both a useful tool and a potential threat.

“I have some relatives in the occupied territories, and the only way to contact them is through Telegram,” said Maksym Yali, an analyst for Ukraine’s Center for Strategic Communications and Information Security. “But under wartime conditions, can the benefits outweigh the risks?”

Yali explained that Ukrainians visiting family or friends in Russia are often forced to surrender their phones at the airport, where authorities use specialized software to examine their Telegram app, including deleted messages, for pro-Ukraine content.

Telegram denies that deleted messages can be retrieved and insists that any examples of intercepted communications it has investigated resulted from devices being physically seized or infected with malware—not security weaknesses within the app.

Ukrainians’ love for Telegram dates back to 2017, when the country banned the Russian-controlled social media platform VKontakte, which was notorious for spreading Russian disinformation and propaganda.

Telegram’s prominence grew during Zelensky’s 2019 presidential campaign, with the young digital strategist Mykhailo Fedorov—now the head of Ukraine’s Ministry of Digital Transformation—playing a key role in using the platform to connect with voters. Fedorov has since maintained regular contact with Durov and Telegram’s management team.

In the lead-up to Russia’s invasion in 2022, Ukrainian intelligence cautioned Zelensky about the risks associated with Telegram, although the military advised against banning the app entirely.

The war has revealed that many of the most prominent Telegram channels are operated from Russia, with accounts posing as Ukrainian spreading disinformation, including false claims about Zelensky fleeing the country.

Still, Telegram’s popularity surged as traditional media outlets struggled to keep up. “Telegram is the primary source of information—more so than television, radio, and other media,” said Maksym Dvorovyi, head of digital rights at Digital Security Lab Ukraine. He described this as a “sad reality,” given the security risks and the large volume of unverified information and propaganda.

Many of the most visited Telegram channels charge advertisers thousands of dollars for promotions, with ads for cake shops and cryptocurrency services running alongside urgent updates about drone attacks and power outages.

Few people know who operates some of the most popular channels, which have names like “Legitimate” and “Cartel.” A September study by Detector Media, a European Union-backed watchdog group, found that 76 of the 100 most popular Telegram channels in Ukraine are managed anonymously.

Ukrainian officials have expressed concerns about Durov’s ties to Russia, given his birth there. In 2021, Russian President Vladimir Putin claimed that the Russian government had reached an agreement with Telegram after authorities tried to block the app during a dispute over user data. Ukrainian officials worry that Russia could access private communications on the app, pointing to instances where Russian authorities have presented private Telegram conversations during investigations.

While Ukraine has not presented conclusive evidence linking Durov or Telegram to the Russian government, the company has insisted that it has no ties to the Kremlin. “Telegram has never been legally or physically connected to Russia,” the company said, adding that it was founded to protect user data from Russian surveillance.

Earlier this year, disinformation about the war spread widely on Telegram, prompting Ukraine to ask Apple to intervene. The government requested that Apple use its influence to push Telegram to remove fake accounts operated from Russia. Telegram complied, taking down the accounts by April.

However, the resolution came with an unexpected twist: Telegram also briefly blocked several Ukrainian government-run accounts that provided information about Russian troop movements. Ukrainian officials saw this as a veiled warning—pressuring the company too hard could have consequences.

“It was unspoken, but it was a threat,” Yurchyshyn said.

Telegram confirmed it removed the fake accounts at Apple’s request, but claimed that the Ukrainian channels were taken down by mistake and were reinstated within hours. The company also announced that it was developing new tools to combat disinformation, including fact-checking features.

Fedorov, the digital minister, stated that he had requested Apple’s help in communicating with Telegram as part of ongoing efforts to collaborate with platforms that cover the war in Ukraine. Apple declined to comment.

Following a meeting of Ukraine’s National Coordination Center for Cybersecurity in September, the use of Telegram was restricted within the government and military. Some universities have also banned the app.

Kyrylo Budanov, Ukraine’s chief intelligence officer, has publicly warned about the dangers of Telegram but stopped short of advocating for a complete ban. He has called for the removal of anonymity for administrators of major channels. Telegram has long maintained that anonymity is essential to protecting users.

Russia too has raised concerns about its reliance on Telegram. After Durov’s arrest in France, Russian analysts voiced fears that the app could expose private data to Western intelligence agencies.

In Ukraine, Durov’s arrest has strengthened calls to curb Telegram’s influence. Yurchyshyn said he was working on legislation that would require warnings, similar to those on cigarette packages, to remind users that information on the platform might be unreliable and that many channel operators are anonymous.

However, Yurchyshyn acknowledged that any new regulations would likely have little impact on Telegram’s dominant role in Ukrainian life. “Who wants to be the politician or leader to take responsibility for banning such a popular platform?” he said.